The Monastic Pint Answers from church history on today's questions

Pelagianism and the augustinian reply

What Christian writers said, from about AD 370 to 1949.

41 passages · 12 writers · 6 centuries

The short answer

Augustine reports that Pelagius allowed God's help for the capacity of willing and acting but not for volition or action itself, and that Pelagius said God is the helper of the will whenever it chooses good. Augustine answers that grace is not given according to merit, that faith and its beginning are God's gift, and that grace makes the will able and willing. Jerome and Vincent of Lerins reject the claim that free choice needs no help from God in each act. Cassian says that holding the beginning of free will to be in our power, or holding it to be always due to the inspiration of grace, each meets objections from Scripture, and that God's grace co-operates with our will. Hodge says Pelagius was condemned at Carthage and Ephesus, and Schaff says the synod of Orange in 529 condemned the Semi-Pelagian system.

The Pelagian position as reported

12 passages · 5 writers · 300s to 1800s

Augustine reports that Pelagius placed the grace and help of God in nature and free will, or in the gift of the law and teaching, and allowed divine help for the capacity but not for volition or action. Augustine says the Pelagians hold that even a bad man has free will enough to perform the good commandment, and Jerome says they understand by the grace of God free will and the commandments of the Law. Vincent of Lerins says no one before Pelagius attributed so much strength to free will as to deny the necessity of God's grace to aid it in every single act, and Schaff says the soul of the Pelagian system is human freedom.

418 · Augustine of Hippo, On the Grace of Christ, and on Original Sin (De gratia Christi et de peccato originali) 1.5.6

The whole of this dogma of Pelagius, observe, is carefully expressed in these words, and none other, in the third book of his treatise in defence of the liberty of the will, in which he has taken care to distinguish with so great subtlety these three things,—the “capacity,” the “volition,” and the “action,” that is, the “ability,” the “volition,” and the “actuality,”—that, whenever we read or hear of his acknowledging the assistance of divine grace in order to our avoidance of evil and accomplishment of good,—whatever he may mean by the said assistance of grace, whether law and the teaching or any other thing,—we are sure of what he says; nor can we run into any mistake by understanding him otherwise than he means. For we cannot help knowing that, according to his belief, it is not our “volition” nor our “action” which is assisted by the divine help, but solely our “capacity” to will and act, which alone of the three, as he affirms, we have of God. As if that faculty were infirm which God Himself placed in our nature; while the other two, which, as he would have it, are our own, are so strong and firm and self-sufficient as to require none of His help! so that He does not help us to will, nor help us to act, but simply helps us to the possibility of willing and acting.

434 · Vincent of Lérins, Commonitory (Commonitorium) 24.62

Who ever originated a heresy that did not first dissever himself from the consentient agreement of the universality and antiquity of the Catholic Church? That this is so is demonstrated in the clearest way by examples. For who ever before that profane Pelagius attributed so much antecedent strength to Free-will, as to deny the necessity of God’s grace to aid it towards good in every single act?

1866 · Philip Schaff, History of the Christian Church, Vol. 3: Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity, A.D. 311-600 9.146

The soul of the Pelagian system is human freedom; the soul of the Augustinian is divine grace. Pelagius starts from the natural man, and works up, by his own exertions, to righteousness and holiness. Augustine despairs of the moral sufficiency of man, and derives the new life and all power for good from the creative grace of God. The one system proceeds from the liberty of choice to legalistic piety; the other from the bondage of sin to the evangelical liberty of the children of God. To the former Christ is merely a teacher and example, and grace an external auxiliary to the development of the native powers of man; to the latter he is also Priest and King, and grace a creative principle, which begets, nourishes, and consummates a new life.

Augustine's reply and later writers

17 passages · 6 writers · 400s to 1900s

Augustine says the power to live well is not given to free will but by God's grace through Jesus Christ, that faith itself is God's gift received without merit, and that grace causes the will both to be able to do good and to will it. Aquinas reports that the Pelagians held the beginning of faith to be from ourselves, and says this is false because faith is from God moving man inwardly by grace. Leo the Great says grace given according to merits would be a price and not a gift. The Canons of Dort call the teaching that grace is only moral persuasion entirely Pelagian. Berkhof says Pelagius sought the explanation of the difference between men in the will of man, while Augustine ascribed it to the operation of the grace of God.

418 · Augustine of Hippo, On the Grace of Christ, and on Original Sin (De gratia Christi et de peccato originali) 1.31.34

And what of his other statement too, “By grace are ye saved”?—where, that he might prevent men’s supposing that it is by works, he expressly added, “by faith.” And yet further, lest it should be imagined that faith itself is to be attributed to men independently of the grace of God, the apostle says: “And that not of yourselves; for it is the gift of God.” It follows, therefore, that we receive, without any merit of our own, that from which everything which, according to them, we obtain because of our merit, has its beginning—that is, faith itself. If, however, they insist on denying that this is freely given to us, what is the meaning of the apostle’s words: “According as God hath dealt to every man the measure of faith”? But if it is contended that faith is so bestowed as to be a recompense for merit, not a free gift, what then becomes of another saying of the apostle: “Unto you it is given in the behalf of Christ, not only to believe in Him, but also to suffer for His sake”? Each is by the apostle’s testimony made a gift,—both that he believes in Christ, and that each suffers for His sake. These men however, attribute faith to free will in such a way as to make it appear that grace is rendered to faith not as a gratuitous gift, but as a debt—thus ceasing to be grace any longer, because that is not grace which is not gratuitous.

c. 420–421 · Augustine of Hippo, Against Two Letters of the Pelagians (Contra duas epistulas Pelagianorum) 2.2.3

Still, indeed, they alike oppose the grace of Christ, they alike make His baptism of no account, they alike dishonour His flesh; but, moreover, they do these things in different ways and for different reasons. For the Manicheans assert that divine assistance is given to the merits of a good nature, but the Pelagians, to the merits of a good will. The former say, God owes this to the labours of His members; the latter say, God owes this to the virtues of His servants. In both cases, therefore, the reward is not imputed according to grace, but according to debt.

1265–1273 · Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologica II-II, q. 6, a. 1, co.

The Pelagians held that this cause was nothing else than man's free-will: and consequently they said that the beginning of faith is from ourselves, inasmuch as, to wit, it is in our power to be ready to assent to things which are of faith, but that the consummation of faith is from God, Who proposes to us the things we have to believe. But this is false, for, since man, by assenting to matters of faith, is raised above his nature, this must needs accrue to him from some supernatural principle moving him inwardly; and this is God. Therefore faith, as regards the assent which is the chief act of faith, is from God moving man inwardly by grace.

Cassian and the semi-Pelagian question

9 passages · 4 writers · 400s to 1900s

Cassian says that holding the beginning of free will to be in our power, or holding it to be always due to the inspiration of grace, each meets objections from Scripture, and that God's grace co-operates with our will. Cassian says Scripture teaches both the freedom of the will and its weakness, and that there are seeds of goodness in every soul which need God's assistance to grow. Schaff describes Semi-Pelagianism as holding that divine grace and the human will jointly accomplish conversion and that ordinarily man must take the first step, and Hodge says its characteristic principle is that the sinner begins the work of conversion. Berkhof says Semi-Pelagianism denied the total depravity of man, the guilt of original sin, and the loss of the freedom of the will.

c. 426–429 · John Cassian, Conferences (Conlationes) 13.11

And so these are somehow mixed up and indiscriminately confused, so that among many persons, which depends on the other is involved in great questionings, i.e., does God have compassion upon us because we have shown the beginning of a good will, or does the beginning of a good will follow because God has had compassion upon us? For many believing each of these and asserting them more widely than is right are entangled in all kinds of opposite errors. For if we say that the beginning of free will is in our own power, what about Paul the persecutor, what about Matthew the publican, of whom the one was drawn to salvation while eager for bloodshed and the punishment of the innocent, the other for violence and rapine? But if we say that the beginning of our free will is always due to the inspiration of the grace of God, what about the faith of Zaccheus, or what are we to say of the goodness of the thief on the cross, who by their own desires brought violence to bear on the kingdom of heaven and so prevented the special leadings of their vocation? But if we attribute the performance of virtuous acts, and the execution of God’s commands to our own will, how do we pray: “Strengthen, O God, what Thou hast wrought in us;” and “The work of our hands stablish Thou upon us?”

c. 426–429 · John Cassian, Conferences (Conlationes) 13.13

And so the grace of God always co-operates with our will for its advantage, and in all things assists, protects, and defends it, in such a way as sometimes even to require and look for some efforts of good will from it that it may not appear to confer its gifts on one who is asleep or relaxed in sluggish ease, as it seeks opportunities to show that as the torpor of man’s sluggishness is shaken off its bounty is not unreasonable, when it bestows it on account of some desire and efforts to gain it. And none the less does God’s grace continue to be free grace while in return for some small and trivial efforts it bestows with priceless bounty such glory of immortality, and such gifts of eternal bliss.

1866 · Philip Schaff, History of the Christian Church, Vol. 3: Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity, A.D. 311-600 9.159

The name was introduced during the scholastic age, but the system of doctrine, in all essential points, was formed in Southern France in the fifth century, during the latter years of Augustine’s life and soon after his death. It proceeded from the combined influence of the pre-Augustinian synergism and monastic legalism. Its leading idea is, that divine grace and the human will jointly accomplish the work of conversion and sanctification, and that ordinarily man must take the first step. It rejects the Pelagian doctrine of the moral soundness of man, but rejects also the Augustinian doctrine of the entire corruption and bondage of the natural man, and substitutes the idea of a diseased or crippled state of the voluntary power. It disowns the Pelagian conception of grace as a mere external auxiliary; but also, quite as decidedly, the Augustinian doctrines of the sovereignty, irresistibleness, and limitation of grace; and affirms the necessity and the internal operation of grace with and through human agency, a general atonement through Christ, and a predestination to salvation conditioned by the foreknowledge of faith. The union of the Pelagian and Augustinian elements thus attempted is not, however, an inward organic coalescence, but rather a mechanical and arbitrary combination, which really satisfies neither the one interest nor the other, but commonly leans to the Pelagian side. For this reason it admirably suited the legalistic and ascetic piety of the middle age, and indeed always remained within the pale of the Catholic church, and never produced a separate sect.

Councils

3 passages · 3 writers · 1800s

Hodge says Pelagius and his doctrines were condemned by a council at Carthage in 412, again at Carthage in 416, confirmed there in 418, and by the Eastern Church at Ephesus in 431. Schaff says the synod of Orange in 529 condemned the Semi-Pelagian system and approved the Augustinian doctrine of sin and grace without absolute predestination, and lists among its canons that unmerited grace precedes meritorious works and that the love of God is itself a gift of God.

1866 · Canons of the Synod of Orange, summarized by Philip Schaff, History of the Christian Church, Vol. 3: Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity, A.D. 311-600 9.160

Unmerited grace precedes meritorious works. 19. Even had man not fallen, he would have needed divine grace for salvation. 23. When man sins, he does his own will; when he does good, he executes the will of God, yet voluntarily. 25. The love of God is itself a gift of God.

1866 · Philip Schaff, History of the Christian Church, Vol. 3: Nicene and Post-Nicene Christianity, A.D. 311-600 9.160

The controversy was stirred up anew by the Scythian monks, who in their zeal for the Monophysite theopaschitism, abhorred everything connected with Nestorianism, and urged first pope Hormisdas, and then with better success the exiled African bishops, to procure the condemnation of Semi-Pelagianism. These transactions terminated at length in the triumph of a moderate Augustinianism, or of what might be called Semi-Augustinianism, in distinction from Semi-Pelagianism. At the synod of Orange (Arausio) in the year 529, at which Caesarius of Arles was leader, the Semi-Pelagian system, yet without mention of its adherents, was condemned in twenty-five chapters or canons, and the Augustinian doctrine of sin and grace was approved, without the doctrine of absolute or particularistic predestination.

1871 · Charles Hodge, Systematic Theology, vol. 2 (Part II, Anthropology; Part III, Soteriology, chapters I-XIV) 2.8.4

Pelagius and his doctrines were condemned by a council at Carthage, A.D. 412. He was exonerated at the Synods of Jerusalem and Diospolis, in 415; but condemned a second time in a synod of sixty bishops at Carthage in 416. Zosimus, bishop of Rome, at first sided with the Pelagians and censured the action of the African bishops; but when their decision was confirmed by the general council of Carthage in 418, at which two hundred bishops were present, he joined in the condemnation and declared Pelagius and his friends excommunicated. In 431 the Eastern Church joined in this condemnation of the Pelagians, in the General Synod held at Ephesus.